Robert spencer published an article on slavery as part of islamic ideology and practice in sudanhere

snatched from Dmartyrs #1 counter-jihad channel.

Islam institutionalized slavery. Muhammad began to take slaves after he moved to Medina, and had power. Slaves were usually taken in raids on nearby Arab tribes, or war, either through offensive or defensive actions. Islam allows the taking of slaves as “booty”, or reward for fighting. This has led to numerous “jihads” by Muslim states and tribes to attack other non-Muslim groups and obtai More..n slaves. Islamic jurisprudence laid down regulations for the proper treatment of slaves. However, abuses have occurred throughout history.

The West is familiar with the history of slavery in the new world. It was sinful and terrible, and it lasted for several hundred years. And it was abolished mainly through the efforts of Christians in England (Wilberforce, Clarkson) and America (the Abolitionists, primarily Protestant).

However, few people in the west know about Islam and slavery. Most would be surprised that Islam authorizes the taking of slaves as spoils of war. From the days that Muhammad drew his sword to rob and conquer non-Muslims to this very day, Muslims have been taking non-Muslims, and even other black Muslims, as slaves.

Muslims were enslaving black Africans long before any slave ships sailed for the New World. Muslims were taking and making slaves all over the lands they had conquered. Later, when slave ships were loaded with black slaves, often, a Muslim slave broker had the human cargo all ready to go. American slavers rarely had to go into inland to capture slaves, they were already waiting there, courtesy of some Muslim ruler, and/or slave broker! In many cases, if the black slaves were not sent to the New World, they were sent to the Mideast to be enslaved by Arabs, or kept by other black Muslims as slaves.

Read more:
http://www.answering-islam.org/Silas/slavery.htm

By Kiran Randhawa, Evening Standard Aug 2007 A documentary charting the impact of the 7 July London terror attacks on the family of one of …all » By Kiran Randhawa, Evening Standard Aug 2007 A documentary charting the impact of the 7 July London terror attacks on the family of one of the victims is to be released tomorrow. The film was directed by a cousin of Anthony Fatayi-Williams, one of the 13 people blown up on the No 30 bus in Tavistock Square. Thomas Ikimi, 28, said he hoped The Homefront will help pressure the Government into holding a public inquiry into the 2005 bombings, in which 52 innocent people died. He has dedicated the film to Mr Fatayi-Williams, from Hendon, a 26-year-old executive with oil and gas company Amec. The documentary includes interviews with his mother, Marie Fatayi-Williams. The 52-year-old executive with Elf Oil spoke of her devastation at losing her son. Mr Ikimi claims to have made some “shocking” discoveries, such as how little terror awareness training has been given to London Underground staff and police officers since the attacks. “There are no big new security measures, nothing to help awareness. Basically, they are no wiser than you or me. I’m incredibly disappointed with the way the Government has dealt with the families of victims. The fact they were shut out of the inquiry into the bombings is scandalous. “The British people have been done a great disservice. I believemy cousin, and all those who lost their lives in the attacks, deserved the respect of having a public and open inquiry into their deaths so that lessons could be learned from such a mindless massacre. “If the Government wasn’t going to do this then I decided I must do it myself. “This film is about educating people and inviting people to join the debate on terror and think about the issues around it. TFL blocked me, cinemas refused to show it, TV stations said it is too depressing for their audiences and too stark and close to home, and the distributor I did have left the film because he was afraid Ken Livingstone and TFL would sue him for releasing it. “How can we prevent something like this happening in the future if we don’t know how and why it occurred? People need to think about this.

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It all started with a couple of toy cameras.

“I was about 2 years old when I got a Fisher Price camera and it was one of my very favorite toys,” said Jennifer Law Young. “I have lots of pictures of me playing with my little plastic camera, and the strange thing is that after I met Bruce I found out he has pictures of him with his little plastic camera, too. We’re going to frame them side by side.”
The Youngs met on assignment when they were Washington, D.C., photographers, married, moved to Lexington last year and are about to come out with their first documentary film, Stolen Years. It is a 57-minute special that examines the terror of the Stalinist regime and particularly the purges that sent countless people considered to be enemies of the state to the gulag, as the Soviet prison system was known: About 20 million of these people died between 1929 and 1953. The Youngs have captured vivid memories and emotions of I1 of the survivors of Stalin’s gulag.
The special will air on PBS (WVPT-Channel 51 or cable Channel 11 ) at 10 p.m. on Thursday, March 4, the day before the 46th anniversary of Josef Stalin’s death.

‘Stolen Years’

The idea of making the film came to the Youngs after Bruce’s 1990 trip to Russia with their friend Mervin Strickler, who made numerous trips to the country in conjunction with his work
JENNIFER LAW YOUNG takes a light reading off gulag survivor
Lev Razgon’s face in a Moscow hotel room in February 1996 during the filming of Stolen Years. Razgon was one of the 11 survivors interviewed by the filmmakers.

(staff photo by Claudia Schwab)

for the Federal Aviation Administration. During the 1990 trip, Bruce filmed interviews with some of the early democratic leaders who emerged during the period in the late 1980s known as glasnost when the “whole democratic thing was beginning to break loose,” as Bruce described the times.
‘Paintings such as Bread Ration for the Dead showing an emaciated man in the barracks holding a piece of bread belonging to his dead neighbor are really graphic depictions of the horrors of camp life’ – Jennifer Law and Bruce Young

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But Bruce did more than film interviews – he also filmed whatever else appealed to his artistic eye.
“The most compelling thing about the video Bruce made on that trip was the mass gravesite in a big forest outside Kiev,” said Jennifer. “People would come place little photos at the wall, and there was this lady crossing herself over these pictures and crying. That was really moving footage, and I thought we should do something with this rather than let it sit on the shelf.
“That’s how it all started,” Jennifer added. “Ironically, none of that footage is in this film.”
In the early 1990s, the Youngs formed their own production company, the Evans-McCan Group. Named for the couple’s grandmothers, the company is a nonprofit organization dedicated to creating documentaries and multimedia programs. Stolen Time is a co-production of the Evans-McCan Group and the Blackwell Corp. in association with South Carolina Educational Television.
Between 1990 and 1997, the Youngs made six trips to Russia to shoot the film. In film jargon, they were interested in shooting both A-roll footage, the principal subjects like the interviews, .and B-roll footage such as the camps or Russian landscape scenes.
They went on all but one of these trips as part of tour groups they organized to help them get their extensive luggage through customs as well as to avert suspicion.
On each trip the filmmakers traveled with 14 pieces of luggage, about six of which were really heavy, weighing from 70 to 80 pounds, they said. They had a light kit, tripod, TV camera, scanner and more. Traveling with a tour group and guide smoothed the way in many other situations as well.
“The one time we did travel on business instead of tourist visas, we had such a hard time,” they said. “They confiscated our camera at customs, locking it my life, the filet of life.”
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placing flowers Polyna Myasnikova points to a spot where she wants fellow gulag survivor Peter Demant to place flowers on a map of the Kolyma Region forced labor camps. The map is at a memorial in Magadan in the Russian Far East.
The photo is the still version of a shot taken during the filming of documentary Stolen Years emphasizing the survivors’ memories and the symbolic act of placing the flowers in exactly the spot where a specific camp was.
Several of these moments were shown again and again because of their poignancy, said filmmakers Jennifer Law Young and Bruce Young.
(photo by Jennifer Law Young)

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Making the film

Jennifer, as the film’s producer took care of all the logistical arrangements and the finances, and Bruce, the director, shot the film, but they both had artistic input.
“To show you how well she functioned as a producer, she forbade me to take a still camera so I wouldn’t get distracted from the television, which is what I was supposed to be doing,” said Bruce.
The Youngs have so many stories about the making of the film that they could easily fill a book, but among the most outstanding is the helicopter trip to a remote Siberian prison camp in June 1996.
“It was a two-hour helicopter ride from anywhere [Magadan in the Russian Far East is the nearest city], and in the last hour and a half we saw no sign of civilization at all,” said Jennifer. “I’m terrified of heights, but I was so excited it didn’t matter at all. The weird thing was I sensed when we were getting to the camp because I’d had a dream the week before and it was exactly like I’d imagined.
“We could see these weird scratches in the ground, which were test trenches for mines,” she said. “It looked like a giant alien had come down and scratched the ground.”
The Youngs had visited other camps but wished to film this particular camp.
“A lot of abandoned camps have been stripped for building materials so they’re just gone and a lot of structures are made out of wood, which over the years have just rotted away, but this camp was made out of in rock,” they said. “The buildings are rock and parts of them are still there, so there were a lot of very visual remains. It was also a notoriously brutal camp.”
There were some inhibiting factors about the trip that did not stop the Youngs, nor the 18-person tour group and the two survivors who accompanied them, from going. The camp was in a radioactive area because of a uranium mine, and it was “in a sort of pocket,” as Jennifer put it, out of radio contact. That made everyone, including the pilots, very nervous. Because of these factors, they were only allowed 2O minutes on the ground to film.
Aside from memorable experiences like this, what the Youngs remember best are the people they met.
“We’ve made friends who went on the trips with us and with the people we’ve interviewed,” they said. “We also made friends with people who helped us along the way. These are friendships that will last certainly beyond the making of the film and probably our entire lives.”

Working Relationship

Not only do the Youngs have photographic skills and goals in ,common but they even share many of the same thoughts. That compatibility has led them to a close and successful working relationship.
“I always say. that, we .complete each other – the fact is: we finish each other’s sentences,” said Jennifer. “That doesn’t mean there’s constant interaction, but we are surprisingly parallel.”
Asked what might lie ahead for the creative pair, they are not sure at the moment.
“We’re really just fascinated with other cultures, comparing how we live with the way other people do “they said. “It’s the same reason we became journalists.
“This project has been all consuming and very, very Russian, but we can see in future years picking another country and having a similar fascination. Right now, we’re sort of developing an interest in China.”
Even if the future may not be certain, one thing about the past is.
“I’m absolutely certain this show would never have been made if the two of us hadn’t come together,” said Jennifer. , “Neither one of us would have done it on his or her own.”

Vietnam War, “The Real Story” rebuts the view promoted by the 13-part documentary series, “Vietnam: A Television History” (made by PBS). The…all » Vietnam War, “The Real Story” rebuts the view promoted by the 13-part documentary series, “Vietnam: A Television History” (made by PBS). The rebuttal also applies to “The Ten Thousand Day War” documentary series. Participants: Archimedes Patti, John McCain, Edward Lansdale, Elbridge Durbrow, etc. “The Real Story” is a must-see for historians and politicians alike. Made in 1984

Spanish with english subs

Fidel Castro came to power in Cuba on December 31, 1959. Expropriation, nationalization of the industry and the departure of more than two and a half million Cubans followed.

But also the advancement of health care and education, and a continuing struggle to turn Cuba into an ideal communist state. In Miami the great countdown has begun. The Cubans who have fled the socialist experiment over the past 45 years have faith again. The momentum is there, or at least close, so the exiles in Miami hope. They’ll soon be able to take possession of Cuba again and start reconstruction, from communist utopia to Caribbean investment paradise. In Miami, where 1.2 million Cuban exiles live, Cuban organizations, companies and people are ready for the post-Castro era. This documentary takes stock of the scenarios people in Miami envision for Cuba after Castro and of thepossible consequences for the island and its inhabitants.

Director: Gijs Meyer Swantee, Doke Romeijn
Producer: Frank Wiering

The book Management of Savagery – the most Critical Stage through which the Umma will Pass is one of the most important works in modern islamic strategic studies. It was written by an unknown author going by the name Abu Bakr Najis and uploaded to the internet in 2004 and judged to be an authentic Al-Qaeda book of strategy. Translated by William McCants former blogger at www.jihadica.com now, Fellow at the Combating Terrorism Center.
The managemant of savagery is not an inspirational test, gone are all the solemn sira and hadiths, instead we find a man speaking his mind to the like-minded. Not trying to convince or persuade, but skillfully contemplating the best way to achieve the inherent theocratic objectives of Islam.

Relying heavily on Talibans successful rise to power in Afghanistan, Naji outlines three stages in the conversion of a kufr society into a true islamic state.

1 The stage of exhaustion and vexation
2. The stage of managed savagery
3. The stage of implementing sharia law

The expansion of islamic territory basically consists in demanding that kaafirs surrender their freedoms and possessions in return of some degree of personal security under sharia law. With this in mind it is obvious, that muslims needs to be able to unleash and restrain violence in a controlled manner, in order to extort evermore compromises from the infidels. Otherwise they will have no reason to submit. Historically this is done by Jihad and Dawa, i.e. raiding and plundering followed by peace treaties and invitations to the creed. But because of the embryonic state of science and technology within the Islamic world, the days of undisguised muslim conquests into Europe have long come to an end. However, necessity being the mother of invention, this has led to an upsurge in Muslim strategic studies, among which “the management of savagery” is most refined.

From the ashes of the man made law…
The first premise in Najis strategy is that today an islamic state is best to be born out of the complete collapse of the already established order. True Muslims should therefore try and contribute to the downfall of the host society, and prepare to seize power as anarchy erupts. Following a verse in the Quran:

Let there be from among you a group which calls to what is good, enjoins right, and forbids wrong. These are the successful ones.

According to this strategy, abuse destruction and civil strife is an end in and of itself. Constantly disrupting the working routines and bit by bit escalating violence is required of the umma, in order to bring the society of kufr back into a nature state, into a civilisational wilderness of warring tribes and family-feuds with no end in sight. It is mainly in this situation, with the war feeding upon the war, people having lost their possessions and sense freedom, that submission to islam and the security offered by sharia-law becomes a relief.
In order to appreciate how deeply Naji feels this need to destroy any order established by the non-believers, one only needs to quote his comforting words, if the umma were to fail in managing the savagery they themselves are to unleash:

This increase in savagery, which may result from failure is not the worst thing that can happen… Rather, the most abominable of levels of savagery is (still) less than stability under the order of unbelief [nizam al-kufr] by several degrees.

This means that even the most violent and savage society is seen as less of a failure than the rule of the kufaar. A happy and prosperous society is thus nothing but a task to be overcome by fundamental Islam. This is an important point, often missed by Westerners void of religious sentiment but full of mercy and forgiveness towards the impoverished Muslims. They tend to forget that a muslim society is not necessarily meant to be happy and prosperous. Its main priority is to please the creator of the universe, and give the believers an opportunity to enter paradise. True prosperity and happiness lies in the hereafter.

The Illusion of Power
A second important premise upon which Naji bases his strategy stems from an analysis of centralized superpowers. As other jihadis, Naji tends to visualize a superpower as a central force with satellite states orbiting it in submission. This force has its own characteristic “halo”- a certain light emanating from it projecting an image of its power upon the rest of the world. Naji claims that the force of the central power of America is too weak to reach into the muslim lands. And he quotes Paul Kennedy saying:

If America expands the use of its military power and strategically extends more than necessary, this will lead to its downfall.

According to Naji this is the reason the American superpower has resorted to the use of proxy governments and a strong deceptive media-halo, constantly projecting images of invincibility love and righteousness upon the muslim lands.
Now, based on his experiences in the war against the Soviet army in Afghanistan, Naji has through human reasoning, without the use of Quranic sciences, come to the conclusion that the superpowers are not as agile and fierce as they seem. And more importantly they are currently deceived by their own media-halo, believing and reacting according to the image of an all-encompassing power. They think themselves omnipotent, capable of reaching into every house in every corner of the world, with a kind of power not bestowed on any man. Naji further notices how the military capability of a superpower has become highly dependent on the social cohesion of the society, even to the extent that millitary power can become a burden, as social strife erupts.

The overwhelming military power (weapons, technology, fighters) has no value without the cohesion of society and the cohesion of (society’s) institutions and sectors. But this overwhelming military power may become a curse to this great superpower if the cohesion of society [literally "the social entity"] collapses.

That this kind of imagined omnipotence really is making western powers weak and unvigilant, has been confirmed by concerned and responsible politicians, and may very well be at the root of the arrogance displayed by many liberals and left-wingers relentlessly scapegoating the Bush-administration´s war on terror as a “hoax”, demoralising nations at war for purposes of domestic policy. The below qoutation shows that this inner political division at least in part depend on calculated efforts of the militant umma. Analysis of other Al Qaeda documents have confirmed this assertion, and placed both the 7/7- and the madrid bombings within this context

Therefore, we should formulate our military and political plans after properly understanding and appraising the ceiling of interest which limits the action of each one of our enemies and work to widen the gap of the interests between hostile fractions. Therefore, the map of interests must be clear in the minds of our leaders of action. It is a map that is just as important as military maps.

Naji argues further that western politics essentially follow material interests and the doctrine of “no eternal enemies only eternal interests.” A doctrine conflicting with sharia politics adhering to an idea of eternal enemies and following the interests of God. His analysis entails two main objectives:

1. Tarnishing the deceptive media-halo.
Accomplished in battle on muslim territory, minor terror operations and “momentous events” executed after consultation with the High Command, such as the 911 attacks.

2. Disruption of social cohesion in the society of central power and its allies.
- To be achieved through the stages of exhaustion vexation and managed savagery.

Part II of this review deals with these objectives and elaborate on the management of savagery within european cities in relation to the applied countermeasure of social democrats, the management of decline.